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Yasir Arafat (1929 - 2004)
Source
Nobel Prize - Mohammed Abdel-Raouf Arafat As Qudwa
al-Hussaeini was born on 24 August 1929 in Cairo**, his
father a textile merchant who was a Palestinian with some
Egyptian ancestry, his mother from an old Palestinian family in
Jerusalem. She died when Yasir, as he was called, was five years
old, and he was sent to live with his maternal uncle in
Jerusalem, the capital of the British Mandate of Palestine. He
has revealed little about his childhood, but one of his earliest
memories is of British soldiers breaking into his uncle's house
after midnight, beating members of the family and smashing
furniture.
After four years in Jerusalem, his father brought him back to
Cairo, where an older sister took care of him and his siblings.
Arafat never mentions his father, who was not close to his
children. Arafat did not attend his father's funeral in 1952.
In Cairo, before he was seventeen Arafat was smuggling arms to
Palestine to be used against the British and the Jews. At
nineteen, during the war between the Jews and the Arab states,
Arafat left his studies at the University of Faud I (later Cairo
University) to fight against the Jews in the Gaza area. The
defeat of the Arabs and the establishment of the state of Israel
left him in such despair that he applied for a visa to study at
the University of Texas. Recovering his spirits and retaining
his dream of an independent Palestinian homeland, he returned to
Faud University to major in engineering but spent most of his
time as leader of the Palestinian students.
He did manage to get his degree in 1956, worked briefly in Egypt,
then resettled in Kuwait, first being employed in the department
of public works, next successfully running his own contracting
firm. He spent all his spare time in political activities, to
which he contributed most of the profits. In 1958 he and his
friends founded Al-Fatah, an underground network of secret cells,
which in 1959 began to publish a magazine advocating armed
struggle against Israel. At the end of 1964 Arafat left Kuwait
to become a full-time revolutionary, organising Fatah raids into
Israel from Jordan.
It was also in 1964 that the Palestine Liberation Organisation
(PLO) was established, under the sponsorship of the Arab League,
bringing together a number of groups all working to free
Palestine for the Palestinians. The Arab states favoured a more
conciliatory policy than Fatah's, but after their defeat by
Israel in the 1967 Six-Day War, Fatah emerged from the
underground as the most powerful and best organised of the
groups making up the PLO, took over that organisation in 1969
when Arafat became the chairman of the PLO executive committee.
The PLO was no longer to be something of a puppet organisation
of the Arab states, wanting to keep the Palestinians quiet, but
an independent nationalist organisation, based in Jordan.
Arafat developed the PLO into a state within the state of Jordan
with its own military forces. King Hussein of Jordan, disturbed
by its guerrilla attacks on Israel and other violent methods,
eventually expelled the PLO from his country. Arafat sought to
build a similar organisation in Lebanon, but this time was
driven out by an Israeli military invasion. He kept the
organization alive, however, by moving its headquarters to Tunis.
He was a survivor himself, escaping death in an airplane crash,
surviving any assassination attempts by Israeli intelligence
agencies, and recovering from a serious stroke.
His life was one of constant travel, moving from country to
country to promote the Palestinian cause, always keeping his
movements secret, as he did any details about his private life.
Even his marriage to Suha Tawil, a Palestinian half his age, was
kept secret for some fifteen months. She had already begun
significant humanitarian activities at home, especially for
disabled children, but the prominent part she took in the public
events in Oslo was a surprise for many Arafat-watchers. Since
then, their daughter, Zahwa, named after Arafat's mother, has
been born.
The
period after the expulsion from Lebanon was a low time for
Arafat and the PLO. Then the intifada (shaking) protest movement
strengthened Arafat by directing world attention to the
difficult plight of the Palestinians. In 1988 came a change of
policy. In a speech at a special United Nations session held in
Geneva, Switzerland, Arafat declared that the PLO renounced
terrorism and supported "the right of all parties concerned in
the Middle East conflict to live in peace and security,
including the state of Palestine, Israel and other neighbours".
The prospects for a peace agreement with Israel now brightened.
After a setback when the PLO supported Iraq in the Persian Gulf
War of 1991, the peace process began in earnest, leading to the
Oslo Accords of 1993.
This agreement included provision for the Palestinian elections
which took place in early 1996, and Arafat was elected President
of the Palestine Authority. Like other Arab regimes in the area,
however, Arafat's governing style tended to be more dictatorial
than democratic. When the right-wing government of Benjamin
Netanyahu came to power in Israel in 1996, the peace process
slowed down considerably. Much depends upon the nature of the
new Israeli government, which will result from the elections to
be held in 1999.
Selected Bibliography
General
Corbin, Jane. The Norway Channel. New York: Atlantic Monthly,
1994. By BBC reporter with good access to the negotiators.
Freedman, Robert Owen, ed. Israel under Rabin. Boulder: Westview,
1995.
Laqueur, Walter, and Barry Rubin, eds. The Israel-Arab Reader. A
Documentary History of the Middle East Conflict. 5th rev. ed.,
PB, New York: Penguin, 1995.
Makovsky, David. Making Peace with the P.L.O.: The Rabin
Government’s Road to the Oslo Accord. Boulder: Westview, 1996.
By a diplomatic correspondent with critical perspective.
Includes many documents.
Peleg, Ilan, ed. Middle East Peace Process: Interdisciplinary
Perspectives. Albany, NY: State University of N.Y. Press, 1998.
Perry, Mark. A Fire in Zion. The Israeli-Palestinian Search for
Peace. New York: Morrow, 1994. The background since 1988. By a
well-informed journalist.
Said, Edward W. Peace and Its Discontents. Essays on Palestine
in the Middle East Process. New York: Vintage PB, 1995. Eloquent
critique of the Oslo Accords by a leading Palestinian-American
intellectual.
Savir, Uri. The Process: 1,100 Days That Changed the Middle East.
New York: Random House 1998. Hopeful inside view by chief
Israeli negotiator.
Tessler, Mark. A History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict.
Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1994. PB,
scholarly and balanced.
Quandt, William B. The Peace Process: American Diplomacy and the
Arab-Israeli Conflict since 1967. Washington, D.C.: Brookings,
1993.
About Yasser Arafat
Aburish, Said K. Arafat: From Defender to Dictator. New York &
London: Bloomsbury Press, 1998, Critical interpretation of
Arafat’s cultural background.
Gowers, Andrew. Arafat. The Biography: London: Virgin Books,
1994. Revised and updated 1990 publication.
Hart, Alan. Arafat: A Political Biography. rev. ed., London:
Sidgwick & Jackson, 1994. Sympathetic account largely dependent
on many interviews with Arafat.
Wallach, John & Janet. Arafat: In the Eyes of the Beholder. New
York: Lyle Stuart, 1990.
* Since there is no biographical description of Yasser Arafat in
Les Prix Nobel for 1994, this account was written by the editor
of Nobel Lectures, Peace 1991-1995, published by World
Scientific Publishing Co.
Yasir
Arafat (1929 - 2004) -
Source Answers
Chairman of al-Fatah and the Palestine Liberation Organization, and
president of the Palestinian Authority.
Between early 1969 and early 1994, Yasir Arafat (also Yasser Arafat) was
transformed from a guerrilla leader advocating armed struggle for the
liberation of Palestine to the president of the quasi-state of Palestine
after negotiations with Israel, which had long denounced him as a
terrorist. Despite frequent quarrels with rivals and subordinates, no
other figure has been as closely identified with the Palestine
Liberation Organization (PLO) or the Palestinian national struggle as
Arafat. Born Muhammad Abd al-Raʾuf al-Arafat al-Qudwa, "Yasir" became
Arafat's nickname during his early guerrilla days. He has since gone by
Yasir Abd al-Raʾuf Arafat or just Yasir Arafat, except when using the
nom de guerre Abu Ammar. Arafat and his family have always insisted that
he was born 4 August 1929, in his mother's family home in Jerusalem.
Nevertheless, an Egyptian birth registration exists, suggesting that he
was born in Egypt on 24 August 1929. His father had been living in Egypt,
but his mother may have returned to her home to give birth; others
suspect that the record has been altered to give Arafat a Palestinian
birthplace. He is, in any event, of old Palestinian lineage: The Qudwas
(his father's line) are an offshoot of a Gaza branch of the Sunni Muslim
al-Husayni (Husseini) family, whereas Arafat's mother came from the more
prominent Jerusalem branch of the Husaynis. His father was a merchant
trading in Gaza and Egypt; whether or not Arafat was born there, he
spent many of his teenage years in Egypt and long had a detectable
Egyptian accent. He was the sixth of seven children. In 1942, his father
returned to Cairo, and Arafat continued his schooling there. He
reportedly became an aide to the military leader of the Palestinian
resistance, Abd alQadir al-Husayni, a kinsman on his mother's side. The
young Yasir fought with the Muslim Brotherhood in Gaza during the Arab -
Israel War of 1948. Following the war, the family returned to Gaza. In
the 1950s, Arafat studied at Fuʾad I University in Cairo (now Cairo
University), majoring in civil engineering. He was reportedly a member
of the Muslim Brotherhood and also became active as a Palestinian
student organizer, heading the Union of Palestinian Students from 1952
to 1957. He then served in the Egyptian army for about a year.
Al-Fatah and the PLO
Arafat and other Palestinian activists were in Prague in 1957 when some
of their colleagues were arrested in Egypt, suspected of Muslim
Brotherhood activities. Arafat and the two men who were to become his
closest aides until their assassinations, Khalil al-Wazir and Salah
Khalaf, remained in Europe. Arafat studied engineering further in
Stuttgart and then went to Kuwait. While working for the public works
department, he started his own contracting firm. This engineering firm
prospered, and Arafat reportedly became quite wealthy. Some accounts
suggest that his personal wealth helped fund the beginnings of al-Fatah.
The nucleus of al-Fatah had already been formed in the late 1950s, by
Arafat, al-Wazir, Khalaf, Khalid al-Hasan, and others in Kuwait, who
would become lifelong colleagues. Initially, al-Fatah was one of many
small Palestinian exile groups advocating armed struggle to free
Palestine. Arafat received some training in Algeria, it is believed, and
in Syria, where al-Fatah's armed wing, al-Asifa, was formed. He also was
imprisoned in Syria for several weeks at this time.
After the 1967 war, al-Fatah's prominence increased greatly. The
Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), originally created under
Egyptian auspices in January 1964, was overshadowed by the new guerrilla
groups, which increasingly won control of the Palestine National Council
(PNC). In 1968 al-Fatah fought off an Israeli attack on a base in Karama,
Jordan, and its prestige increased further. In early 1969, al-Fatah and
its allies won enough seats in the PNC to elect Arafat the new chairman
of the PLO's executive committee. Arafat, now head of both alFatah and
the PLO, set up his headquarters in Amman, Jordan. In 1970, the PLO was
drawn into conflict with the government of Jordan when one of its member
organizations, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP),
hijacked several aircraft. In the ensuing Black September of 1970, the
PLO was driven out of its Jordanian operational base. Arafat, who
escaped from Amman, set up his new base in Beirut, while the PLO began
operations against Israel from southern Lebanon. After the Arab - Israel
War of 1973, some PLO leaders began discussing the possibility of a
settlement short of the previously envisioned secular state in all of
Palestine. On 14 November 1974, Arafat addressed the General Assembly of
the United Nations, claiming that he held both "an olive branch and a
freedom fighter's gun."
The UN speech marked a high point, but Arafat's career took another turn
downward with the outbreak of the Lebanese Civil War in 1975. The PLO
found itself fighting not only Maronite forces but eventually the Syrian
army, though these alignments shifted as the war went on. The 1977 visit
of Egypt's President Anwar Sadat to Jerusalem and the 1978 peace between
Israel and Egypt were yet further blows, and then in 1982 Israel invaded
Lebanon. Having been driven from Jordan more than a decade before and
besieged in Lebanon by Syrians and others from time to time, the PLO had
nevertheless managed to maintain its base in Lebanon. In June 1982
Israel not only occupied all of Lebanon up to Beirut but also (unsuccessfully)
targeted Arafat personally. Arafat and ten thousand Palestinian fighters
were evicted from Beirut in August. An attempt to form a new base in
Tripoli, Lebanon, failed due to Syrian opposition and an intra-Fath
mutiny, and Arafat and the PLO moved to Tunis, far from the zone of
Israeli - Palestinian confrontation (although in 1985 Israel did bomb
PLO headquarters there in 1985, including Arafat's compound).
In 1984, Arafat entered into negotiations with King Hussein ibn Talal of
Jordan to seek a common ground for a joint Jordanian - Palestinian
negotiating position - the so-called Jordanian Option. The effort failed,
with Jordan blaming Arafat for the failure. In December 1987, the
Intifada, or Palestinian uprising, began in the occupied territories.
Although Arafat's al-Fatah was a major player in the Unified National
Leadership of the Intifada, it was local cadres, not the Tunis
leadership, who were in charge of the actual uprising. This led many
analysts to once again predict that Arafat's days were numbered and that
the central PLO leadership had lost its relevance. As in 1970, 1982, and
1984 - when earlier political obituaries had been written - they were
wrong. One of the strengths that had kept Arafat in his position for so
long, despite squabbles, plots, and even fighting and assassinations
among Palestinian factions, was his ability to forge a grand coalition
of very differently oriented factions, left and right, communist and
capitalist. Increasingly unable to hold such a broad umbrella group
together, Arafat was finally willing to gamble on seizing a moderate,
pronegotiation position despite the fact that this meant the more
radical factions now considered him a curse.
Peace Negotiations
In 1988, the PLO leadership - now more and more Arafat and the old al-Fatah
elite - agreed to recognize Israel's right to exist, the principle of
negotiating with Israel on peace in exchange for territorial withdrawal,
and a renunciation of terrorism. After some adjustment, the formula
finally met the United States's preconditions for a direct dialogue with
the PLO, and this dialogue began with the U.S. ambassador to Tunisia,
Robert Pelletreau. It was subsequently suspended in June 1990 when
Arafat failed to condemn an attack on Israeli territory by a PLO faction.
When the Madrid Conference was held in October 1991 with U.S. president
George H. W. Bush, the U.S.-PLO talks had been suspended and Israel's
Likud government under Yitzhak Shamir adamantly refused to deal with the
PLO, which was still seen as a terrorist organization. Therefore, the
Palestinians were awkwardly represented in Madrid by a panel of moderate
Palestinians, all of whom were acceptable to the PLO but none of whom
had been formally members of it. As long as Likud was in power, they
were also technically half of a "joint Jordanian - Palestinian
delegation." Once again, despite the insistence by the delegation that
they were in coordination with the PLO leadership in Tunis, many
analysts declared that Arafat and the PLO were no longer relevant to the
search for a Palestinian - Israeli solution. Meanwhile, in 1992, as
Arafat was flying to Sudan in a private aircraft, his plane crashed in
the Libyan desert, killing the pilots and several passengers. Arafat
survived, but he was badly injured and required surgery to correct
further problems. His friends later indicated that his survival, when so
many others had died, convinced him that he had been providentially
spared for some reason. The lifelong bachelor also married, further
putting his guerrilla days behind him. These factors may have helped
prepare him for the decision that he soon would have to make.
As long as Likud was in power, no breakthrough was possible, and the
Palestinian side of the peace talks went nowhere. But Shamir was
replaced by Yitzhak Rabin and the Labor Party in 1992. Frustrated with
the difficulties of negotiating with a Palestinian delegation that had
little real authority to offer compromise, a secret back-channel
negotiation began via Norwegian intermediaries. Ultimately, the result
was the Oslo Accord, signed on the White House lawn on 13 September
1993. For the first time, Arafat - once denounced as a terrorist by U.S.
presidents and forbidden entrance into the United States after his 1974
UN speech - came to the White House to be greeted by a U.S. president.
Even more dramatically, at the signing of the agreement he offered his
hand to Yitzhak Rabin, and Rabin accepted it, albeit with apparent
reluctance. That dramatic handshake on the White House lawn underscored
the fact that Arafat had survived his enemies within the PLO as well as
in Israel and the United States. Arafat became the provisional head of
the Palestinian Authority (PA), which took over self-government in
Jericho and Gaza in the summer of 1994 and, eventually, more of the West
Bank as well. Arafat's entry into Jericho in June 1994 marked a personal
vindication for Arafat, at least in his own view.
Palestinian Authority
Arafat formally was elected president of the Palestinian Authority
during elections in January 1996. He oversaw the growth of a PA
bureaucracy and a number of security and intelligence agencies. His
leadership came under mounting criticism by Palestinians both inside and
outside the PA. The most intractable were the Islamist movements HAMAS
and Islamic Jihad, both of which vowed to continue attacks against
Israel. These groups had the support of the Palestinian community, and
Arafat had to balance the support extended by the Palestinian street
with his needs both to placate his Israeli and U.S. peace partners and
to maintain his tight grip on power in the PA. The failure of the peace
process led to the violence of the al-Aqsa Intifada in October 2000,
which in turn led to Israel's reoccupation of large parts of the PA, the
destruction of its infrastructure, and the lengthy siege of Arafat's
compound in Ramallah that began in 2002 and continued into 2004. Despite
the efforts of Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon to ignore and isolate
him, and similar efforts by U.S. president George W. Bush, Arafat has
remained head of al-Fatah, the PLO, the PA, and the Palestinian national
movement generally, and no one of even remotely the same stature or
power has emerged to take his place.
Arafat had never married during his long guerrilla years. In 1991 or
early 1992, however, he married Suha Tawil (1963 - ), the daughter of a
PLO activist father and a lawyer mother who often represented accused
Palestinians in the territories. Tawil had served as Arafat's secretary.
A Christian who reportedly converted to Islam, she is more than thirty
years his junior. She has given a number of interviews to the Arab and
Western press (and even to the Israeli press), providing for the first
time an intimate view of Arafat. A daughter, Zahwa, was born to the
couple in 1994. Arafat himself is a practicing Sunni Muslim and is
believed to practice his faith. After the 1992 plane crash, his
religious convictions were reportedly strengthened. In his younger days
he was a member of the Muslim Brotherhood, but in middle age he stands
staunchly against the Islamist elements in the Palestinian movement. His
health has deteriorated noticeably in recent years, but he remains a
survivor in a region that recently has witnessed the passing of several
long-standing Arab rulers.
Bibliography
Aburish, Said K. Arafat: From Defender to Dictator. New York: Bloomsbury,
1998.
Cobban, Helena. The Palestinian Liberation Organization: People,Power,
and Politics. Cambridge, U.K., and New York: Cambridge University Press,
1984.
Gowers, Andrew, and Walker, Tony. Behind the Myth: YasserArafat and the
Palestinian Revolution. London: W. H. Allen, 1990.
Hart, Alan. Arafat: A Political Biography. Bloomington: Indiana
University Press, 1989.
Iyad, Abou, with Rouleau, Eric. My Home, My Land: A Narrative of the
Palestinian Struggle. New York: Times Books, 1981.
Kiernan, Thomas. Arafat: The Man and the Myth. New York: Norton, 1976.
Wallach, Janet, and Wallach, John. Arafat: In the Eyes of theBeholder.
New York: Lyle Stuart, 1990.
— MICHAEL DUNN UPDATED BY MICHAEL R. FISCHBACH
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